| Justice Antonin Scalia would remake our secular republic
into a quasi-theocracy; and with the pending retirement of Justice
Sandra Day O'Connor, we may soon have a court that is one step closer to
adopting his vision.
In Scalia's America, Buddhists, Hindus, atheists and anyone else not
belonging to a monotheistic religion would become potted plants, shunted
to the side as marginal citizens. Government would embrace, promote and
even possibly fund a belief in the worship of one God.
In McCreary County vs. ACLU of Kentucky, a 5-4 majority of the
Supreme Court ordered the removal of the Ten Commandments from
courthouses in two Kentucky counties. Scalia, in an apoplectic dissent,
made a case for a civil religion. He claimed the founders intended for
government to endorse a belief in a single, personal God who is directly
engaged in the affairs of men.
"With respect to public acknowledgment of religious
belief," Scalia wrote, "it is entirely clear from our nation's
historical practices that the Establishment Clause permits this
disregard of polytheists and believers in unconcerned deities, just as
it permits the disregard of devout atheists."
As proof, Scalia offered up a litany of occasions when the founders
invoked "God" during official business, including Thomas
Jefferson's second inaugural address in which he asks for "the
favor of that Being in whose hands we are" and James Madison's
first inaugural address in which he places his confidence "in the
guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being."
Scalia, a devout Catholic, is distorting the historical record in
order to shoehorn his personal faith into civic life. Scalia discounts a
singularly important fact: The Constitution, our nation's seminal
document, purposely includes no mention of a deity. Religion is
mentioned only to guarantee no religious test for public office. The
founders at the Constitutional Convention were creating a nation
governed by men, based on the ideas of men, and they understood
perfectly - having been witness to the centuries of religious conflict
in Europe - the danger of government entangling itself in sectarianism.
As to Jefferson, far from injecting religion into his official role,
he scrupulously avoided it. He refused to proclaim national days of
fasting and thanksgiving as had Adams and Washington before him. And in
his famous letter to the Danbury Baptists, Jefferson reassured the group
that the Constitution had erected "a wall of separation between
church and state."
Madison also wrote often on the need to separate the ecclesiastical
and the civil - for the benefit of both realms. In 1822, he said,
"religion and government will both exist in greater purity, the
less they are mixed together." His 1785 Memorial and Remonstrance
Against Religious Assessments stands as one of the greatest exhortations
against the use of taxes to support religious teachings.
Scalia's argument is that the founders sought to keep government
neutral relative to differing denominations but not between the
religious and nonreligious. He approved the display of the Decalogue in
the Kentucky courthouses because the Commandments reflect the
"Thou-shall-have-no-other-gods-before-me" monotheism of the
nation's three most popular religions: Christianity, Judaism and Islam.
All three, according to Scalia, believe in the divinity of the
Commandments and the same God. (That's a nice gloss to put on historic
and bloody divisions on the nature of God.) As to the 7-million
Americans who adhere to religions that are not monotheistic, Scalia says
tough luck. There should be no government neutrality as to them, because
they are so few.
"(W)e do not count heads before enforcing the First
Amendment," Justice Sandra Day O'Connor scolded. She reminded
Scalia of the oft-repeated principle that the very purpose of the Bill
of Rights was to remove certain subjects "beyond the reach of
majorities."
Scalia seemed rhetorically unprepared when Justice John Paul Stevens
informed him that the Decalogue comes in different forms depending on
one's faith. The Kentucky counties chose to display the King James
version. But Jews and Catholics have their own. By choosing one form
over another, Kentucky was violating the very denominational neutrality
that Scalia claimed to support.
His answer to this inconsistency was to punt. "I doubt that most
religious adherents are even aware that there are competing versions
with doctrinal consequences (I certainly was not)," Scalia wrote.
He then claimed that due to the context of the postings, no viewer could
"conceivably" believe that the government was taking religious
sides.
Oh, no? Then why didn't the good people of Kentucky choose the Jewish
version?
Scalia has looked out upon the nations of the world where the
government endorses certain religious ideas and not others - Saudi
Arabia, China, Sudan - and decided that the United States should join
in. Our national religion should be monotheism, and all those who don't
agree should just shut up and thank their lucky stars that they're
allowed to stay at all. What a scary, un-American place it would be,
living in Scalia's America.
SOURCE:
St.
Petersburg Times - by ROBYN E. BLUMNER, Times Perspective
Columnist - Published July 3, 2005 |